I wrote a second essay for Open Democracy’s Structure of Patriarchy series. This time applying ideas and concepts of intersectionality to the issue of Mental Health.
“There’s a long literature on oppression, discrimination, and mental health. Yet not much on intersectionality, the study of multiple and linked oppressions/discrimination, and mental health.” Read the full article here.
Intersectionality can be quite a controversial subject. Basically put, it examines multiple and simultaneous discriminations and oppressions. As part of Open Democracy’s series on the structure of patriarchy I’ve written something up on the topic of domestic violence, using intersectionality to argue for a broader and varied approach without getting tied up in knots. I’m hoping to follow this up with another article on intersectionality and mental health, something which hasn’t been explored much in the media yet.
“Arguably, the first major legislative victory of second wave feminism in the UK was in 1976. Parliament passed the first law in the UK against domestic violence: The Domestic Violence and Matrimonial Proceedings Act 1976. This granted County Courts the power to issue exclusion orders and non-molestation orders in cases of domestic violence.” Read the full article here.
After my post on water meters I’ve followed up with a related article on other utilities. Take a read over at the Landlord Law Blog.
I’ve got a post over at the Landlord Law Blog on what the legal rights are for tenants on water meters. Somewhat ironically, it seems there’s a stronger set of rights around water meters for tenants (you can have one installed if you’re there for longer than 6 months) than to other things like security of tenure, affordability of rent etc. So, to be blunt, you can insist on having a water meter installed – but at the end of the day a landlord could just give you your two months notice without a reason, so there’s not much of an incentive to fight for your consumer rights. I’ll be following this up with a post soon about other utilities, and how things work in more complicated housing situations.
“Many green-minded and money-conscious tenants look to water meters to help them cut back the costs and their environmental impact. However, there is often confusion between landlords, tenants, and agents as to what the rules are.” Read the full article here.
Back in 2010 I wrote a Masters’ Degree thesis on the rise of the Far Right in India (and an Open Democracy article). From a Development Studies perspective, it was a contradiction as to why an economically successful and democratic post-colonial state such as India could create and sustain a massive Far Right movement. Since then, I’ve been following political developments in Burma as they try to transition towards more democratic government. The recent rise in attacks on minority groups in Burma, and the rise of Far-Right groups prompted me to write an article looking at the similarities between these movements in India, Burma, and Sri Lanka.
Far right religious nationalism is growing in South Asia. Fuelled by the experience of colonialism, the resulting internal tensions since independence, and powerful civil society movements. Read the Full article here.
In this month’s 24 Housing (a magazine for housing professionals), I’ve looked into what’s happened since the introduction of ‘For-Profit’ providers in social housing. Read the full article here.
Practical justice in housing law can be a difficult thing, which is one of the reasons why I wrote this post for Bright Green Scotland. It takes you through the legal rights you do have versus the practical problems in exercising these rights. I’m also working on a follow-up article about some work being done between a Council and local Police force on improving their response to illegal evictions. Watch this space.
“Since the start of the recession there has been a rise in illegal evictions, and with the changes to Housing Benefit coming in next year there could be an even bigger rise.” Read the full post on Bright Green Scotland.
Much can be said about an organisation by its definition of ‘young’. While 18 to 25 years is widely accepted as the default,18 to 30 pushes the box closer towards young adults, grown up and settled down. However, in local government, a ‘young councillor’ is considered to be anyone under the age of 35. So why is it that young people are largely absent or in a significant minority in local government?
Read more here.
UK government is known as one of the most centralised in the world. One way which the current government claimed to be giving power back to local government was through the ‘General Power of Competence’. This was a long awaited bit of legislation (first contained in the 1983 Labour Party Manifesto) which means councils can now do anything that isn’t forbidden (whereas before they had to be given permission through an Act of Parliament). Unfortunately, it’s not been as big a change as local government would have hoped.
Samir Jeraj - Freelance Journalist 